Sunday, September 27, 2009

America's Self-Crippled Foreign Policy

I highly recommend reading this interview at The Objective Standard web site:

An Interview with Yaron Brook, Elan Journo, and Alex Epstein

"Mr. Journo is the editor of a new book, Winning the Unwinnable War: America’s Self-Crippled Response to Islamic Totalitarianism (Lexington Books, 2009. 250 pp. $27.95 [paperback]), which contains essays by all three men. The book is scheduled for release this November. This interview was conducted orally and retains the character of an informal discussion." —Craig Biddle

Here is the link to the interview.




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Tuesday, September 15, 2009

Steven Schub of The Fenwicks here...

From Steve Schub:

Shalom & Aloha Comrades!

Steven Schub of The Fenwicks here, hoping this email finds you smiling... Speaking of smiling- dig this! Your very own Schuby-Doo has just been cast as the late great folk singer Phil Ochs in the film "The Chicago 8" (written & directed by Pinchas Perry- writer/director of the film "When Nietzsche Wept"). This is most insane, (and almost suspiciously auspicious), as I've been listening to Phil Ochs ever since I was a wee-lad, and as far as this boy's concerned, he was one of the greatest lyricists of all time.

As evidence, I submit to you, the lyrics to his song: "When I'm Gone".
Words to live by... Read 'em below.
In joy, mirth and joviality,

~Schubieshake
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When I'm Gone
Words and Music by Phil Ochs

There's no place in this world where I'll belong when I'm gone
And I won't know the right from the wrong when I'm gone
And you won't find me singin' on this song when I'm gone
So I guess I'll have to do it while I'm here

And I won't feel the flowing of the time when I'm gone
All the pleasures of love will not be mine when I'm gone
My pen won't pour out a lyric line when I'm gone
So I guess I'll have to do it while I'm here

And I won't breathe the bracing air when I'm gone
And I can't even worry 'bout my cares when I'm gone
Won't be asked to do my share when I'm gone
So I guess I'll have to do it while I'm here

And I won't be running from the rain when I'm gone
And I can't even suffer from the pain when I'm gone
Can't say who's to praise and who's to blame when I'm gone
So I guess I'll have to do it while I'm here

Won't see the golden of the sun when I'm gone
And the evenings and the mornings will be one when I'm gone
Can't be singing louder than the guns when I'm gone
So I guess I'll have to do it while I'm here

All my days won't be dances of delight when I'm gone
And the sands will be shifting from my sight when I'm gone
Can't add my name into the fight while I'm gone
So I guess I'll have to do it while I'm here

And I won't be laughing at the lies when I'm gone
And I can't question how or when or why when I'm gone
Can't live proud enough to die when I'm gone
So I guess I'll have to do it while I'm here

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Wednesday, August 26, 2009

"Shalom & Aloha my Liberty-Luvin' Comrades!"

From Steve Schub:

For those interested, below you'll find an excellent article by Dr. Leonard Peikoff on why Health Care is not, and can never be, considered a "Right"- as defined by our Founding Fathers. Just below that- a brief article on the kind of pro-freedom reforms, which could be, and should be implemented. Reforms which if implemented, would allow our health care to survive and flourish, by fully respecting the individual rights of both doctors and patients.
In dubious battle,
On the barricades,
Your Schubieshake

p.s.
Lastly, and just for fun, two websites I strongly recommend for high-caliber "intellectual ammunition"...
Americans For Free Choice in Medicine:
http://www.afcm.org
and
We Stand Firm:
http://www.westandfirm.org
xoxo,
SS
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Health Care is Not a Right
by Dr. Leonard Peikoff

Most people who oppose socialized medicine do so on the grounds that it is moral and well-intentioned, but impractical; i.e., it is a noble idea--which just somehow does not work. I do not agree that socialized medicine is moral and well-intentioned, but impractical. Of course, it is impractical--it does not work--but I hold that it is impractical because it is immoral. This is not a case of noble in theory but a failure in practice; it is a case of vicious in theory and therefore a disaster in practice. I want to focus on the moral issue at stake. So long as people believe that socialized medicine is a noble plan, there is no way to fight it. You cannot stop a noble plan--not if it really is noble. The only way you can defeat it is to unmask it--to show that it is the very opposite of noble. Then at least you have a fighting chance.

What is morality in this context? The American concept of it is officially stated in the Declaration of Independence. It upholds man's unalienable, individual rights. The term "rights," note, is a moral (not just a political) term; it tells us that a certain course of behavior is right, sanctioned, proper, a prerogative to be respected by others, not interfered with--and that anyone who violates a man's rights is: wrong, morally wrong, unsanctioned, evil.

Now our only rights, the American viewpoint continues, are the rights to life, liberty, property, and the pursuit of happiness. That's all. According to the Founding Fathers, we are not born with a right to a trip to Disneyland, or a meal at McDonald's, or a kidney dialysis (nor with the 18th-century equivalent of these things). We have certain specific rights--and only these.

Why only these? Observe that all legitimate rights have one thing in common: they are rights to action, not to rewards from other people. The American rights impose no obligations on other people, merely the negative obligation to leave you alone. The system guarantees you the chance to work for what you want--not to be given it without effort by somebody else.

The right to life, e.g., does not mean that your neighbors have to feed and clothe you; it means you have the right to earn your food and clothes yourself, if necessary by a hard struggle, and that no one can forcibly stop your struggle for these things or steal them from you if and when you have achieved them. In other words: you have the right to act, and to keep the results of your actions, the products you make, to keep them or to trade them with others, if you wish. But you have no right to the actions or products of others, except on terms to which they voluntarily agree.

To take one more example: the right to the pursuit of happiness is precisely that: the right to the pursuit--to a certain type of action on your part and its result--not to any guarantee that other people will make you happy or even try to do so. Otherwise, there would be no liberty in the country: if your mere desire for something, anything, imposes a duty on other people to satisfy you, then they have no choice in their lives, no say in what they do, they have no liberty, they cannot pursue their happiness. Your "right" to happiness at their expense means that they become rightless serfs, i.e., your slaves. Your right to anything at others' expense means that they become rightless.

That is why the U.S. system defines rights as it does, strictly as the rights to action. This was the approach that made the U.S. the first truly free country in all world history--and, soon afterwards, as a result, the greatest country in history, the richest and the most powerful. It became the most powerful because its view of rights made it the most moral. It was the country of individualism and personal independence.

Today, however, we are seeing the rise of principled immorality in this country. We are seeing a total abandonment by the intellectuals and the politicians of the moral principles on which the U.S. was founded. We are seeing the complete destruction of the concept of rights. The original American idea has been virtually wiped out, ignored as if it had never existed. The rule now is for politicians to ignore and violate men's actual rights, while arguing about a whole list of rights never dreamed of in this country's founding documents--rights which require no earning, no effort, no action at all on the part of the recipient.

You are entitled to something, the politicians say, simply because it exists and you want or need it--period. You are entitled to be given it by the government. Where does the government get it from? What does the government have to do to private citizens--to their individual rights--to their real rights--in order to carry out the promise of showering free services on the people?

The answers are obvious. The newfangled rights wipe out real rights--and turn the people who actually create the goods and services involved into servants of the state. The Russians tried this exact system for many decades. Unfortunately, we have not learned from their experience. Yet the meaning of socialism is clearly evident in any field at all--you don't need to think of health care as a special case; it is just as apparent if the government were to proclaim a universal right to food, or to a vacation, or to a haircut. I mean: a right in the new sense: not that you are free to earn these things by your own effort and trade, but that you have a moral claim to be given these things free of charge, with no action on your part, simply as handouts from a benevolent government.

How would these alleged new rights be fulfilled? Take the simplest case: you are born with a moral right to hair care, let us say, provided by a loving government free of charge to all who want or need it. What would happen under such a moral theory?

Haircuts are free, like the air we breathe, so some people show up every day for an expensive new styling, the government pays out more and more, barbers revel in their huge new incomes, and the profession starts to grow ravenously, bald men start to come in droves for free hair implantations, a school of fancy, specialized eyebrow pluckers develops--it's all free, the government pays. The dishonest barbers are having a field day, of course--but so are the honest ones; they are working and spending like mad, trying to give every customer his heart's desire, which is a millionaire's worth of special hair care and services--the government starts to scream, the budget is out of control. Suddenly directives erupt: we must limit the number of barbers, we must limit the time spent on haircuts, we must limit the permissible type of hair styles; bureaucrats begin to split hairs about how many hairs a barber should be allowed to split. A new computerized office of records filled with inspectors and red tape shoots up; some barbers, it seems, are still getting too rich, they must be getting more than their fair share of the national hair, so barbers have to start applying for Certificates of Need in order to buy razors, while peer review boards are established to assess every stylist's work, both the dishonest and the overly honest alike, to make sure that no one is too bad or too good or too busy or too unbusy. Etc. In the end, there are lines of wretched customers waiting for their chance to be routinely scalped by bored, hog-tied haircutters some of whom remember dreamily the old days when somehow everything was so much better.

Do you think the situation would be improved by having hair-care cooperatives organized by the government?--having them engage in managed competition, managed by the government, in order to buy haircut insurance from companies controlled by the government?

If this is what would happen under government-managed hair care, what else can possibly happen--it is already starting to happen--under the idea of health care as a right? Health care in the modern world is a complex, scientific, technological service. How can anybody be born with a right to such a thing?

Under the American system you have a right to health care if you can pay for it, i.e., if you can earn it by your own action and effort. But nobody has the right to the services of any professional individual or group simply because he wants them and desperately needs them. The very fact that he needs these services so desperately is the proof that he had better respect the freedom, the integrity, and the rights of the people who provide them.

You have a right to work, not to rob others of the fruits of their work, not to turn others into sacrificial, rightless animals laboring to fulfill your needs.

Some of you may ask here: But can people afford health care on their own? Even leaving aside the present government-inflated medical prices, the answer is: Certainly people can afford it. Where do you think the money is coming from right now to pay for it all--where does the government get its fabled unlimited money? Government is not a productive organization; it has no source of wealth other than confiscation of the citizens' wealth, through taxation, deficit financing or the like.

But, you may say, isn't it the "rich" who are really paying the costs of medical care now--the rich, not the broad bulk of the people? As has been proved time and again, there are not enough rich anywhere to make a dent in the government's costs; it is the vast middle class in the U.S. that is the only source of the kind of money that national programs like government health care require. A simple example of this is the fact that all of these new programs rest squarely on the backs not of Big Business, but of small businessmen who are struggling in today's economy merely to stay alive and in existence. Under any socialized regime, it is the "little people" who do most of the paying for it--under the senseless pretext that "the people" can't afford such and such, so the government must take over. If the people of a country truly couldn't afford a certain service--as e.g. in Somalia--neither, for that very reason, could any government in that country afford it, either.

Some people can't afford medical care in the U.S. But they are necessarily a small minority in a free or even semi-free country. If they were the majority, the country would be an utter bankrupt and could not even think of a national medical program. As to this small minority, in a free country they have to rely solely on private, voluntary charity. Yes, charity, the kindness of the doctors or of the better off--charity, not right, i.e. not their right to the lives or work of others. And such charity, I may say, was always forthcoming in the past in America. The advocates of Medicaid and Medicare under LBJ did not claim that the poor or old in the '60's got bad care; they claimed that it was an affront for anyone to have to depend on charity.

But the fact is: You don't abolish charity by calling it something else. If a person is getting health care for nothing, simply because he is breathing, he is still getting charity, whether or not any politician, lobbyist or activist calls it a "right." To call it a Right when the recipient did not earn it is merely to compound the evil. It is charity still--though now extorted by criminal tactics of force, while hiding under a dishonest name.

As with any good or service that is provided by some specific group of men, if you try to make its possession by all a right, you thereby enslave the providers of the service, wreck the service, and end up depriving the very consumers you are supposed to be helping. To call "medical care" a right will merely enslave the doctors and thus destroy the quality of medical care in this country, as socialized medicine has done around the world, wherever it has been tried, including Canada (I was born in Canada and I know a bit about that system first hand).

I would like to clarify the point about socialized medicine enslaving the doctors. Let me quote here from an article I wrote a few years ago: "Medicine: The Death of a Profession."

"In medicine, above all, the mind must be left free. Medical treatment involves countless variables and options that must be taken into account, weighed, and summed up by the doctor's mind and subconscious. Your life depends on the private, inner essence of the doctor's function: it depends on the input that enters his brain, and on the processing such input receives from him. What is being thrust now into the equation? It is not only objective medical facts any longer. Today, in one form or another, the following also has to enter that brain: 'The DRG administrator [in effect, the hospital or HMO man trying to control costs] will raise hell if I operate, but the malpractice attorney will have a field day if I don't--and my rival down the street, who heads the local PRO [Peer Review Organization], favors a CAT scan in these cases, I can't afford to antagonize him, but the CON boys disagree and they won't authorize a CAT scanner for our hospital--and besides the FDA prohibits the drug I should be prescribing, even though it is widely used in Europe, and the IRS might not allow the patient a tax deduction for it, anyhow, and I can't get a specialist's advice because the latest Medicare rules prohibit a consultation with this diagnosis, and maybe I shouldn't even take this patient, he's so sick--after all, some doctors are manipulating their slate of patients, they accept only the healthiest ones, so their average costs are coming in lower than mine, and it looks bad for my staff privileges.' Would you like your case to be treated this way--by a doctor who takes into account your objective medical needs and the contradictory, unintelligible demands of some ninety different state and Federal government agencies? If you were a doctor could you comply with all of it? Could you plan or work around or deal with the unknowable? But how could you not? Those agencies are real and they are rapidly gaining total power over you and your mind and your patients.
In this kind of nightmare world, if and when it takes hold fully, thought is helpless; no one can decide by rational means what to do. A doctor either obeys the loudest authority--or he tries to sneak by unnoticed, bootlegging some good health care occasionally or, as so many are doing now, he simply gives up and quits the field".

Any mandatory and comprehensive plan will finish off quality medicine in this country--because it will finish off the medical profession. It will deliver doctors bound hands and feet to the mercies of the bureaucracy.
The only hope--for the doctors, for their patients, for all of us--is for the doctors to assert a moral principle. I mean: to assert their own personal individual rights--their real rights in this issue--their right to their lives, their liberty, their property, their pursuit of happiness. The Declaration of Independence applies to the medical profession too. We must reject the idea that doctors are slaves destined to serve others at the behest of the state.
Doctors, Ayn Rand wrote, are not servants of their patients. They are "traders, like everyone else in a free society, and they should bear that title proudly, considering the crucial importance of the services they offer."

The battle against socialized medicine depends on the doctors speaking out against it--not only on practical grounds, but, first of all, on moral grounds. The doctors must defend themselves and their own interests as a matter of solemn justice, upholding a moral principle, the first moral principle: self-preservation.

Dr. Leonard Peikoff is a philosopher living in Southern California, and is the founder of the Ayn Rand Institute, and the author of The Ominous Parallels and of Objectivism: The Philosophy of Ayn Rand. He is currently at work on his third book, The DIM Hypothesis.
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Seven Simple Rules for Health Care Reform
by Richard E. Ralston
The status quo in American health care is indefensible—an expensive regulatory and bureaucratic mess. What that calls for, however, is not more layers of regulation and complicated mandates. Nor should government take over health care completely and run it as part of a political spoils system.

State government proposals have proven too expensive in California and have collapsed. In Massachusetts expenses for mandatory insurance after one year are spiraling out of control faster than budgets can be printed. New recommendations in Colorado and elsewhere are being shelved because they are also too expensive to be considered at present. The alternative is one of elegance and simplicity: adopt changes now that require no new government expense, but that remove regulatory complexity and allow freedom of choice. To achieve that end, we need to adopt a few simple rules.

The first simple rule: Make all medical services, insurance and personal savings for such expenses exempt from all federal, state and local income and payroll taxes. Those who complain about the cost of medical care and insurance must be confronted with the fact that if we cannot afford medical care, we surely cannot afford to pay taxes on the money we set aside for it.

The second simple rule: Allow an individual or corporate tax deduction equal to double the value of the service for all charity care by medical care providers. At one time America had a vigorous network of private charity care, which was largely destroyed by the government barging in. We need to restore that environment of private charity, which was more efficient, effective and compassionate.

The third simple rule: Pass legislation now proposed in the U.S. Congress that would give every individual or business the ability to purchase insurance in a national market, from insurance companies in any state. That would allow for ownership of health insurance that is more affordable and can follow individuals from job to job and state to state. The increased competition between insurance companies would restrain the cost of insurance.

The fourth simple rule: Allow the purchase of basic health insurance with high deductibles and low premiums that covers major illness or injury and annual exams, in conjunction with tax-free accounts for out-of-pocket expenses, such as deductibles. That, more than anything, would make insurance premiums more affordable for Americans who fear the financial consequences of health misfortune.

The fifth simple rule: Broaden the availability of optional coverage provided by Medicare Advantage, but allow for additional tax-deductible premiums to be paid by those seniors who elect such options. More choices from more options should be available to retirees—but not paid for by taxpayers. This would allow for expanded and more efficient coverage, and reintroduce an element of competition to those who seek to provide health care to seniors.

The sixth simple rule: Allow Medicare patients to utilize their Health Savings Accounts to pay for services from their Medicare physicians. This could bring thousands of doctors back into the Medicare program overnight and eliminate the ridiculous and unjust prohibition on those who want to spend their own money on their medical care.

The seventh simple rule: Limit non-economic or punitive damages in all malpractice or other litigation against medical providers or drug and medical equipment firms to a maximum of $250,000 (indexed for inflation). This would wring the bonanza for a few law firms out of the current ocean of litigation—and the high cost of "defensive medicine" now practiced by providers as protection against such legal extortion. The effect would be a reduction in the cost of medical care and insurance for everyone.

While these changes would result in more efficient, affordable and uncomplicated health care, achieving them will be no simple matter—thanks to those who oppose any improvements as an obstacle to massive new government controls. But we can stop new regulations, mandates, taxes, government spending and administrative agencies. We can uphold the rational alternative—freedom and personal choice—which can improve the quality and affordability of health care without government spending.

Richard E. Ralston is Executive Director of Americans for Free Choice in Medicine.

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Tuesday, July 21, 2009

The New Third Rail... by Robert Tracinski

TIA Daily • July 21, 2009

The New Third Rail

Save Individual Private Health Insurance

by Robert Tracinski

President Obama is pushing hard to get his health care bill up for a vote in the next few weeks. The trademark tactic of this administration is speed. They try to achieve their agenda by ramming legislation through Congress as fast as possible—too fast for opponents to subject the bills to scrutiny, search for objectionable provisions, or develop effective counter-arguments in a public debate. Heck, Obama and his allies in Congress push through the bills so fast that congressmen and administration officials themselves don't even have time to read the damned things.

If we're able to block his health care bill, it will be because we actually got a little bit of time to read it. The folks at Investor's Business Daily did just that, and what they found right away is that Obama's bill would outlaw individual private health insurance. It was already known that the so-called "public option" for health insurance was an attempt to "crowd out" private health insurance by luring people into government-subsidized insurance, but the plan to kill private health insurance is actually much more direct: the bill bans insurance companies from writing new individual policies. Government-provided health insurance turns out not to be an "option": it's mandatory.

Killing private health insurance is the only way the left can achieve its dream of a government-run health-care system. They have to do it, because government-provided health coverage, even if it is subsidized, cannot actually compete with private insurance. Government-provided care always leads to cost-cutting—isn't that the whole stated purpose of health-care reform, to cut costs?—which always means rationing the amount and kind of care we will be provided. Given that risk, many people would refuse to go onto the government program and cling to their individual private plans instead. And this makes it harder for the bureaucrats to impose rationing on government-funded care, because they know patients in the government program will compare the quality of their care to what is available from private plans.

Private health insurance sets a kind of gold standard for the quality of care people expect—and that's a standard government-run health care has never met and can never meet.

All of the relentless propaganda about how "our health care system is broken" is an attempt to blind us to this fact. It is supposed to make us think that we are not getting the best care in the world, when we are.

I know, because my family has been a pretty significant user of medical care in the past few years. Two years ago, our first child was born, and we now have a second child on the way. In between, my wife was in a semi-serious car accident. So we've spent our share of time in hospitals and examination rooms recently, and I cannot adequately express my gratitude for the quality of care we have received.

Three experiences stand out. When my first son, Walter, was born, one of the pediatricians noticed that his heart was making a slight noise, so he sent us up for a consultation with a pediatric cardiologist. I have a decent knowledge of science, and I have a few friends who are doctors and engineers, so I consider myself a decent judge of experts. It's not too difficult to tell when you're dealing with a physician who really knows what he's talking about and is able to answer your questions clearly and thoroughly. I was very impressed with this cardiologist, who performed an echocardiogram (a high-precision ultrasound imaging of the heart) and explained that what the pediatrician heard was actually a normal sound—what he called the singing of the "heart strings" that connect opposite walls of the ventricles. It was a thorough cardiac workup that relieved all of our anxieties—with no need to get on a waiting list or ask anyone's permission or go through some arcane cost-benefit analysis.

After Sherri's car accident, she experienced some vision problems. Since she is very near-sighted, she is at heightened risk for retinal detachment, and she was afraid that the impact of the collision—she was rear-ended by a truck going about 60 miles per hour—could have broken her retina loose. So again we searched around for the best expert we could find, a very impressive retina specialist, who did a very thorough check.

More recently, we went in for an ultrasound on the new baby. If you think an ultrasound is just about getting a grainy image of the fetus, you haven't seen one lately. In this ultrasound, our physician looked at the development of the baby's internal organs and the brain (I could clearly see the cerebellum). Using Doppler ultrasound, which is able to track the direction and rate of motion, he looked at the blood flow through the baby's heart. And he performed a whole other series of measurements (the length of the femur, the circumference of the skull, etc.) which are markers for potential birth defects. It was a thorough physical check-up—way more thorough than anything I've ever had—performed long before the baby is born.

All of this offered us the reassurance that we have another healthy child on the way. This is not something we take for granted. My wife and I waited a long time to have children, and with age, the risk of complications increases. So it is an enormous benefit for us to be able to check thoroughly and be sure.

Now notice that all of these examples are, fortunately, about medical problems that did not exist. Which makes them precisely the kind of tests that would be very easy for bean-counting bureaucrats to deny on the grounds that they are not cost-effective. Not cost-effective, that is, for the government. But I didn't have to worry about what was cost-effective for the government. I only had to think about what was cost-effective for me. I was able to make the choice based on what my insurance would cover and—since I have a Health Savings Account, one of the few pro-free-market health-care reforms Congress has managed to pass—what I could afford to pay in deductibles and premiums.

My experience with the "health care system"—i.e., with my own doctors and nurses—has been a dream. I am not wealthy by any means (I am a self-employed writer, which should say just about everything right there), and I have no special connections or "pull." Yet I have had no difficulty making sure that my family receives top-quality care.

The key is that we are in control. We are able to shop around for the best doctors and the best insurance coverage, and we are able to decide if we want to spend, say, $1500 on an ultrasound or amniocentesis in order to avoid greater costs (or more tragic consequences) later on.

This system works at allowing me to protect myself and my loved ones. And that's why I am terrified that Barack Obama wants to smash it all to pieces.

A few days ago, I got an e-mail from Vern Hodgins, a long-time subscriber in Canada, who recounted a very opposite experience with Canada's health-care system. Read this carefully, because if Obama gets his way, the happy story I told above is not the future. This is:

"My wife and I relocated to a new community. For my wife, that meant finding a new doctor, which became a six-year wait. During that time, she had to do with a local outpatient clinic, which rotates its medical staff. It is rare to see the same doctor twice, which renders continuity feeble at best. As well, the rules do not allow rotation doctors to provide full physical examinations; only a family physician may do that.

"While waiting in line for a family doctor, my wife became ill. Typically, a patient gets about ten minutes with a community clinic doctor, which for my wife meant cursory examinations and referrals to physiotherapists and chiropractors.

"My wife's condition worsened and we could not do anything about it. Finally, the government granted her a family doctor. That doctor also gave her a cursory exam, diagnosed her ailment as a sports injury, and referred her to more physio and chiropractic treatment. Her condition worsened still, and still her doctor insisted it was a sports injury.

"Fed up with my dear wife whimpering her nights away in pain, I visited her doctor. The doctor's receptionist rudely rebuffed me, saying my wife had to wait in line just like everyone else because despite what I thought, she was no more or less special than anyone else.

"The next morning I described my wife's condition to a work colleague who is a doctor. Having never met my wife, and with only my description, that doctor told me to get my wife into a hospital immediately because she was certain it was a metastasized cancer.

"Sure enough, as soon as the hospital emergency staff saw my wife, they knew; it was advanced non-Hodgkin lymphoma, which had dissolved some of her collarbone. My wife had to be told her prognosis was not good, that she had to prepare for the worst. Fortunately for me, my doctor colleague, a high profile media individual, used her influence to get my wife the best specialists in the country—which, yes, meant that my wife is somewhat more special after all. She survived. She endured the most aggressive treatment regimen there is, and though she's left with considerable damage from the radiation, she's alive.

"The incompetent family doctor, who misdiagnosed, suffered no consequence. As well, my wife must keep the same family doctor unless she wishes to wait another six years or so.

"That's socialized medicine. Worse still, one may not openly criticize our system without being told to move to America if we don't like the world's finest socialized medical system. Criticizing our system is tantamount to being a global warming 'denier.' The propaganda is that effective."

Anyone can have a family doctor who makes a wrong diagnosis—but in America, you're not stuck with him. I'm a fan of the TV show "Mystery Diagnosis," which tells the real stories of people with very rare medical conditions who spend years trying to get a proper diagnosis and treatment. One of the things these patients talk about is how you have to "be your own advocate," and most of the cases are solved when the patient himself searches for information on the Internet, finds a specialist who is an expert in the disease, and seeks out that physician's advice.

But how can you be your own advocate under socialized medicine? It is outlawed, because you are no longer in control of your own health care. You have no freedom to choose a physician, or to seek out a specialist on your own, or to decide what medical tests you will pay for.

Mr. Hodgins concludes his story by saying, "In Canada, the patient is not a client; deference goes to the doctor." I don't think that's quite accurate, because I've known a few doctors who had to work under the Canadian system, and it's no treat for them, either—not for the decent ones. In Canada's system, deference doesn't go to the doctor. It goes to the state. Care is denied in order to cut costs and save trouble for the government.

The Democrats' attempt to eliminate individual private health insurance, combined with the enormous, multi-trillion-dollar price tag of their health-care bill, tells us that this is what they want for America, too. The purpose of this bill is not to save money or provide better care or—try not to laugh—provide "health choices." Its purpose is to make us dependent on the government for the most important needs of our lives.

For the political leaders on the left, the purpose of socialized medicine is control: they want us to turn to them as the saviors we have to supplicate for every need in life. For the political supporters on the left, the motive for socialized medicine is envy: the want everyone held to the same equal standard, even if it is an equally low standard, so that no one will be allowed to think that he is "special" and has a right to seek out better care.

What we need, and we need it urgently, is a political rebellion in favor of independence, which is the only real guarantee of our security and happiness. And to preserve our independence from government, we need to send the message that any legislation that even remotely threatens individual private health insurance is a red line that politicians dare not cross.

President Obama is already frightened of this issue. Late last week he tried to defuse it by responding that "If we don't get health care reform done now, then no one's health insurance is going to be secure." In effect, he's telling us that he has to destroy our health insurance in order to save it. I don't think anyone's going to find that very convincing.

For years, Social Security has been the "third rail of American politics"—an analogy to the electrified extra rail on commuter train lines. The rule has been "touch it and you die": any reform that even threatens to scale back Social Security has (supposedly) caused the political demise of the person who attempts it.

I think we should create a new third rail in American politics: individual private health insurance. If we can block Obama's health-care bill—causing Barack Obama to fail on one of the central goals of his presidency—then we will send the message: leave our health insurance alone. Touch it and you die.

That's a harsh rule for politicians, but it reflects the harsh fact that if they touch it, we die.

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Tuesday, June 02, 2009

Steven Schub Saves the Jews

By Orit Arfa
Jun 1, 2009

I was on my sofa in Jerusalem reading the opening credits of my favorite TV show, 24, looking for Jewish names to figure out exactly how many Jews “control” Hollywood. Lo and behold, I see my friend’s name: Steven Schub.

I initially met Schub through the Atlasphere. We met for coffee in Israel when he was there visiting his sister and have stayed in touch since.

On 24 Schub played an Islamic terrorist, Samir. With his fellow terrorists, he vaporized Valencia in a nuclear attack.




Steven Schub as the terrorist "Samir" in the TV series 24 (2007)




He’s probably best-known for his work in the film Caught with Edwards James Olmos and guest star appearances on NYPD Blue, and, yes, Sesame Street.

His day job is lead-singer for The Fenwicks, a 10-piece “Afro-Celtic Yiddish ska” band, but that’s a whole ’nother story.

Now he’s starring as a Jewish hero in the play “The Accomplices” at the Fountain Theater (as a guest production being performed at the Odyssey Theater) in Los Angeles.

Peter Bergson, born Hillel Kook and nephew of the famous Rabbi Kook, came to the U.S. from Eastern Europe to save Jews from Hitler’s clutches only to be met by indifference, and sometimes hostility, from key figures of the Jewish community and the Roosevelt administration.

Schub’s admiration for Bergson’s ideas and actions has lent to an inspiring and powerful performance.

Schub said over the phone (without the show’s Eastern-European accent), “I definitely have always responded to people who live what they believed, and Peter Bergson was a guy who did. He was a shining example of what one man can do — how one individual can change history.”

Schub researched the role by reading Bergon’s writings and interviewing his daughter, a political science professor at Ben Gurion University. He discovered that Bergson’s views actually bear many similarities to Rand, a great admirer of the Founding Fathers.

“He was a Jeffersonian,” Schub said, speaking not as an expert on Bergson but as an actor who dutifully researched his character. Bergson believed that all people living in Israel — Jews, Muslims, Christians, Atheists — should have equal rights (which for the most part they do) and he abhorred the idea of tying religious identity to national identity, believing in separation of religion and state.

He served as a member of the first Knesset, but his insistence on having a Constitution similar to America’s eventually led to a rift between him and right-wing leader Menachem Begin.

Having started out as a disciple of Vladmir Jabotinsky, founder of the Irgun — the militant Jewish army in pre-State days — he soon evolved from a Jewish Zionist to a Classical Liberal (not to be confused with today’s liberalism), believed Jewish identity needed to be reexamined, and favored the school of thought that believed Jews in the Land of Israel needed to be reinvented as “Hebrews.”


Steven Schub as Peter Bergson in "The Accomplices"


But in his day, like many Irgunists, he was written off as a fascist. Schub: “As a consistent defender of absolute individual rights, this was of course an absurd, grotesque accusation — especially as his whole life was dedicated to fighting for life, liberty and freedom. In the culture of the time however, anyone who was not a socialist or outright communist was often tagged with that epithet.”

“He didn’t fall into any Left-Right alternative. He was, or became, essentially a radical for individualism, in same way Ayn Rand or Jabotinsky was.”

What convinced Bergson most of the need to escape from Collectivist thinking were his own negative encounters with Jewish leaders as he tried to save his brethren, dramatized very well in the play. Members of the Jewish establishment tried to silence him and even deport him when he started protesting too loudly to get America to do more to help save the Jews of Europe — by bombing Auschwitz for example, or allowing more refugees in.

Except for screenwriter Ben Hecht, the Jews who supposedly “controlled” Hollywood back then didn’t use their influence to help the Jewish plight. However, legendary acting teacher Stella Adler, actors Marlon Brando, John Garfield, Paul Muni, Harpo Marx, and even Frank Sinatra did become Bergson allies.

“Instead of wasting their time fighting Bergson, Jewish leaders could have mobilized to create a tidal wave of pressure. The non-Jews were often more than glad to jump on board.”Despite it all, eventually Bergson’s efforts led to the creation of the War Refugee Board which is credited with saving the lives of over 200,000 Jews and 20,000 non-Jews.

My kudos to Bergson, whom I was glad to discover through this play, and to my friend Schub for doing such a heroic job with the role.

He sure made up for blasting Valencia.

NOTE: The Accomplices runs until June 14th, with performances Thursdays, Fridays and Saturdays at 8pm and Sundays at 2pm. Tickets are $30.00. The Odyssey Theatre is located at 2055 S. Sepulveda Blvd. (between Olympic and Santa Monica Blvd) in West Los Angeles. For reservations and information, call 323-663-1525 or go here. Every performance so far has sold out completely, so act soon.

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